Francis Gaitho engagement report

Best tweets

• Sep 13, 2026136x their median

  Mambo gani jamenii💀😭 https://t.co/utGYpApxP4

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• Sep 5, 2026115x their median

  We are getting information that the person who recorded this video has been arrested. More Information to follow https://t.co/jPjGA4kKvE

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• Sep 15, 202641x their median

  Frame 1: How hired crowds are imported in Mount Kenya to Ruto’s events. Frame 2: How Nyanza livestock (Ng’ombe za Baba) are ferried to Ruto’s events. https://t.co/hkIVrPMFcw

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• Sep 21, 202640x their median

  In other countries, a baby’s first words are either dada or mama. In this British colonial kakistocratic shit-hole country/failed state called Kenya, a baby’s first word is “One-Term”. https://t.co/0JRseMfmkl

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• Oct 23, 202638x their median

  Kwani tuko kwa makwapa ya gaitho https://t.co/TWprgCFXCb

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• Sep 17, 202634x their median

  Gaitho should recreate this on August 10, 2027, after we send Ruto to Sugoi. https://t.co/JMlT3gMx6d

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• Aug 29, 202633x their median

  For anyone still asking how corrupt PCEA clergy and elders “ate” KSh 700 million, a content creator has already done the site visit. The camera at Milele Beach Hotel does not show a miracle in progress. It shows a white elephant that the pews were talked into financing. That is the method. Wrap a commercial failure in vestments. Call the collection “rescue.” Leave the congregation holding a loan they never priced, never approved, and will never audit. The building exists. The explanation does not. Children of aging churchgoers should treat this as a household file, not a sermon. If a parent is still writing cheques into phantom church projects, say the quiet part clearly: that money is leaving the family balance sheet. They should not top up the plate and then expect the same children to underwrite hospital bills with their savings. Make the threat explicit before the next harambee. A church that cannot explain a hotel debt does not get to inherit your parents’ last shilling and then hand you the medical invoice. Stay awake around the old loyalty. Faith is not a blank withdrawal form.

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• Oct 24, 202628x their median

  Reject the Entire Elections Amendment Bill Before It Becomes Another Barrier to the Ballot Parliament’s latest attempt to amend the Elections Act should be rejected in full, not reduced to a quarrel over whether results will still be livestreamed. The pattern is already familiar. In the run-up to the 2022 elections, functional alcoholic and chain smoking piece of shit Uhuru Kenyatta and a compliant legislature pushed through a series of changes to the Elections Act and the Political Parties Act. These included university degree requirements for candidates seeking parliamentary and county assembly seats, tighter signature thresholds and documentation rules for independent candidates, and more elaborate nomination procedures for political parties. The stated purpose was order and quality. The practical effect was to raise the cost and complexity of standing for office. Several of those provisions did not survive judicial scrutiny. In April 2022 the High Court, in consolidated petitions, declared the degree requirement in Section 22(1)(b)(i) of the Elections Act unconstitutional for violating Articles 24, 27, 38 and 56 of the Constitution and for lack of adequate public participation. Similar challenges had already struck down the degree rule for MCAs. Courts also examined aspects of the independent-candidate signature and identification rules. Yet by the time the rulings arrived, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission had already applied the new procedures during nomination. Candidates who could not meet the paperwork, the signatures or the academic certificates in time were simply not cleared. The damage was done before the courts could intervene. The IEBC, far from acting as a neutral referee, implemented the amended rules with the same diligence it later applied to other contested aspects of the electoral process. The current Elections (Amendment) Bill follows the same script. Debate has focused on Clause 22 and Section 39, which govern how results are determined, transmitted and declared, including the existing obligation on the IEBC to provide a mechanism for livestreaming. Parliament passed the Bill with amendments on 22 October 2026. Whether the livestreaming language ultimately stays or goes is secondary. The larger problem is the readiness of the legislature to reopen the electoral framework months before a general election, creating new procedural hurdles that the IEBC can enforce immediately while any court challenge crawls through the system for years. Kenyans do not have the luxury of waiting three years for another round of constitutional petitions to declare the latest changes void. The previous cycle showed that once the rules are on the books and the commission begins applying them, prospective candidates are locked out long before any judgment is delivered. Even during the height of the Moi dictatorship, the basic right to present oneself as a candidate and the ability of the media to report results were not systematically closed by statutory barriers of this kind. Elections, however imperfect, were still contested at the ballot. The democratic will of the people cannot be filtered through ever-changing nomination checklists, signature quotas and transmission rules designed by the same political class that benefits from a narrowed field. The entire amendment Bill should therefore be shelved. Anyone who wishes to win office must do so at the ballot, not by raising the legal and administrative cost of entry for everyone else. That is why the call for a shutdown and march to Parliament and the IEBC on Monday, 26 October, is not an abstract demand. It is a recognition that the only reliable way to stop another round of barriers is to reject the Bill before it becomes law, not after the courts have spent years cleaning up the consequences.

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• Oct 21, 202626x their median

  Two Bank Executives Are Dead. The Predatory Model That Employs Them Is Still Standing Eva Ngigi Sarwari, managing director of Finserve Africa and Equity Group’s director of payments and international banking, has died aged 45 while on a business trip to China, according to a statement from her colleagues. Her death cuts short a career that spanned over two decades in banking and payments, from introducing customers to electronic banking at Co-operative Bank of Kenya to leading Visa’s business across three East African markets. “It is with great sadness that we announce the passing of our dear friend and colleague, Eva Ngigi Sarwari,” her colleagues said in the statement on Tuesday. They described the news as a “sudden and profound shock” and said they would make further updates as details became available. The statement did not disclose the cause or date of her death. This comes in the wake of the passing of KCB’s Rosemary Chemutai Kimwatu two months ago through suicide. Our predatory banks, which overwork and underpay their staff, seem determined to extract every last measure of labour from the people they employ for the sake of an extra dollar for their shareholders. The construct of success as perpetuated by standards glamorized by motivational speakers and authors, which hinged on solipsism for women, a ruthless focus on self and service to money, has re-introduced modern-day slavery, and work-life balance has been suspended for manufactured optics of career elevation. These banks have optimized their profit lines so thoroughly that all other perks that once came with employment, such as company houses, staff vans, internal catering and club memberships, were terminated under the guise of rationalization and cost-cutting, even while the salaries of their CEOs ballooned a hundred-fold. Equity is the worst case-study of banking success. It is a bank built on the destruction of the cooperative movement, which exploited Mwai Kibaki’s low interest rates regimes to hawk cheap loans, lure farmers into debt and then cash in after Uhuru Kenyatta’s regime moved to looting through odious debt and the bank’s focus shifted to lending to the government, pursuing ruthless debt recovery mechanisms, turning CEO James Mwangi and Chairman Peter Munga into the largest property and land owners in the country simply from grabbing collateral under the guise of recovering debt. The constellation is toxic. Think of Thika Greens Golf and Country Club. Mwai Kibaki duped shareholders of Othaya Farmers District Cooperative Union to sell the 2,000-acre Makindi/Mihuti farm under the guise of “debt,” because his son and then Cooperatives Development Assistant Minister Peter Kenneth were shareholders. It was then converted from productive use of growing coffee and earning the country foreign exchange to a real estate project of which James Mwangi is a large owner of the land and properties. James Mwangi has been the CEO for over 30 years, which is illegal for any publicly-listed company. The bank’s name also appears in the entities claiming Kenya owes them money which they loaned to treasury for fictitious or non-existent projects, money which we shall not repay. The two deaths sit inside the same arrangement. One woman died on a business trip whose purpose was to keep the payments and international banking machinery running. The other died by suicide after years inside a risk and data-protection role at another major bank, with family accounts citing marital strain and the weight of debts. In both cases the public statement or the autopsy supplies a date and a location. It does not supply a ledger of the hours, the targets, the eliminated staff benefits or the pressure that remains after the condolences have been issued. The model that treats staff as instruments for shareholder returns, that cut the older forms of support while CEO pay rose, continues to operate. The obituaries do not interrupt it.

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• Oct 22, 202625x their median

  Ciku Muiruri assaulted and almost raped by goons eyeing family land in Thika Former media personality Ciku Muiruri was assaulted and almost raped when more than two hundred armed goons raided her family home on a coffee farm in Thika in the early hours of 12 October 2026, acting on an eviction order issued by the Business Premises Rent Tribunal against a person, who is not even a tenant and land that is not business premises. The raid took place at 3am. The men seized phones from family members so that no one could call for help, destroyed furniture and electronics, and assaulted residents, including under-age children. The eighty-year-old matriarch of the household and her children have since been forced to live in a tent on the farm while the same group remains on the land, its leader armed with pistols, under the continued presence of police officers who had been served with a stay order. Ciku Muiruri has said she was attacked by AbdiRashid Abdul Shariff, Lucas Kaguamba, owner of Ngoigwa ThikaView apartments, all working under Floriculture Ltd. She also pointed fingers at the OCPD and DCIO of Thika, who have ignored court orders for one and a half weeks, and has noted that the man who attacked her is still roaming the property freely with no arrests made. The first reference was filed on 9 April 2026. By 16 April, Hon. Mike Makori of the Business Premises Rent Tribunal had issued eviction orders ex parte. The premises are a coffee farm with a residential house in which Ciku Muiruri occupies a bedroom in her mother’s house. She is a journalist, not a businesswoman, and she conducts no business on the land. A stay was obtained from Hon. Joyce Osodo. A tribunal member, Hon. Gad Kipkirui Chemoiyai, later lifted that stay, again ex parte. After a complaint to the Judiciary Ombudsman, the Chairman of the Tribunal heard the matter and ruled that the premises were not business premises, that Ciku Muiruri was not a tenant of any kind, and that the purported landlord had deceived the tribunal. On 17 September 2026 he dismissed the reference and ordered Floriculture Ltd to pay Kshs. 200,000 in costs. One week later, on 24 September 2026, Floriculture Ltd filed a fresh reference at the same tribunal. On 5 October 2026 Hon. Joyce Osodo issued a second set of eviction orders ex parte, despite the Chairman’s earlier ruling. The night raid followed on 12 October. The order had not been verified. Police assistance had not been obtained. The Thika Security Committee had not sat. After the raid, the Chairman again stayed the eviction orders. The stay was served on the OCPD, DCI, OCS and AP head at Thika, all of whom were present on the ground. Requests were made for the arrest of the men for forcible entry, robbery with violence, assault occasioning grievous harm and malicious destruction of property. The OCPD was asked why the entire family was being removed when the unverified order named only Ciku Muiruri. Shots were fired into the air in the presence of the lawyer serving the stay. Police remain on the ground. The stay orders are in force. Construction continues among the coffee bushes. The phones taken during the raid have not been recovered. Complaints to the Directorate of Criminal Investigations have not produced arrests. The tribunal has not explained how a second ex-parte eviction order was issued against a non-tenant after the first had already been dismissed with costs. The police who received the stay have not explained why the goons who entered the house at 3am remain on the land.

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